Historical material. Dates, proposals and invitations refer to the time of the original publication.

To what extent do you follow the U.S. election campaign? (%)

2/3 of Israelis express a strong interest in the U.S. election campaign, but only 16% follow developments regularly. The religious part of the population follows events significantly less frequently than other groups.

Interest in the election campaign

Follow69%
Do not follow31%
Shares following regularly or occasionally and not following. The source image incorrectly calls these shares indices; they are presented here as percentages.

Interest in this topic does not correlate with educational level or country of birth and correlates only slightly with higher income. Jewish respondents are much more likely to follow the topic than Arab respondents: over 70% of the former follow events regularly or occasionally, compared with 50% of the latter.

To what extent do you follow the U.S. election campaign? (%) / Education, income, country of birth and nationality.

Education · Share, %
ResponseGeneral educationVocational educationHigher education
Regularly12.216.520.1
From time to time51.158.652.3
Rarely20.512.817
Almost never16.212.110.6
Income · Share, %
ResponseBelow averageAverageAbove average
Regularly14.72017.6
From time to time47.154.759.2
Rarely2015.117.6
Almost never18.210.25.6
Country of birth · Share, %
ResponseBorn in IsraelBorn in the former USSROther countries
Regularly15.916.922.4
From time to time52.854.249
Rarely1820.314.3
Almost never13.2814.3
Population sector · Share, %
ResponseJewish populationArab population
Regularly1712.4
From time to time55.438.5
Rarely16.824.2
Almost never10.724.8

To what extent do you follow the U.S. election campaign? (%) / Religiosity

Frequency of following elections, by religiosity
ResponseSecularTraditionalReligiousTotal
Regularly16.816.518.416.3
From time to time55.958.64852.7
Total following72.775.166.469
Rarely17.912.822.418
Almost never9.412.111.213
Total not following27.324.933.631
Index, index pts45.450.232.938

Unless otherwise specified, indices are calculated as the difference between the sums of positive and negative responses of varying intensity. This identifies which responses predominate and permits comparisons across groups. The possible index range is -100 to +100 index points.

Respondents who prefer a victory for Democratic candidate Kamala Harris follow the U.S. presidential election more frequently (27.1% versus 17.9% among those preferring Donald Trump), as do participants in mass demonstrations.

To what extent do you follow the U.S. election campaign? (%) / Preferred candidate and participation in mass demonstrations

Regular campaign followers, by preferred candidate

Kamala Harris27.1%
Donald Trump17.9%
Shares within groups preferring each candidate. This measures following the campaign, not candidate support across the full sample.
Regular campaign followers, by preferred candidate · Share, %
ResponsePrefer the DemocratPrefer the RepublicanDon’t knowNo preference
Regularly27.117.95.38.4
From time to time54.256.439.349.6
Rarely12.317.423.321.8
Almost never6.58.33220.2
Total100100100100
Respondents, N155576150119
Participated in demonstrations · Share, %
ResponseParticipated in demonstrationsDid not participate
Regularly22.912.5
From time to time56.450.6
Rarely15.219.6
Almost never5.517.2
Total100100
Respondents, N362638

As expected, respondents who do not engage in socially significant activities are less likely to report regularly following the U.S. election campaign (10.6%, compared with 25–40.2% among members of organizations or volunteers). Political organization members follow these events most actively, followed by civic organization members, with religious community members and volunteers following in comparable proportions.

To what extent do you follow the U.S. election campaign? (%) / Social activity

Social activity · Share, %
ResponseVolunteersReligious community membersCivic organization membersPolitical party membersNone of the above
Regularly26.52533.840.210.6
From time to time54.747.946.341.553
Rarely1216.4151120.4
Almost never6.810.757.316
Total100100100100100
Respondents, N2341408082658

To what extent, in your opinion, does the situation in the following areas in Israel depend on relations with the United States?

Interest in these events reflects the role of the United States in Israeli life.

Most Israelis see their country’s international standing and influence on global processes as the areas most dependent on the United States, followed, in descending order, by international economic cooperation and national security.

Relations with the United States

Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States

Economic stability +48.2 index pts
Domestic politics +1.7 index pts
National security +68.6 index pts
International standing and influence +70.2 index pts
Foreign policy +65.4 index pts
International economic cooperation +68.7 index pts
The author calculates this index as the difference between sums of positive and negative responses. It measures opinions, not actual state dependence.
Original chart
Original figure for comparison
Original figure for comparisonView original ↗
Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States
ResponseEconomic stabilityDomestic politicsNational securityInternational standing and influenceForeign policyInternational economic cooperation
Very dependent29.515.545.645.743.343
Dependent to a significant extent4232.236.136.936.638.7
Not very dependent18.835.19.28.510.59.8
Not dependent4.510.93.93.943.2
Don’t know5.26.35.255.65.3
Index, index pts48.21.768.670.265.468.7

How perceptions of dependence differ

Secular

The highest perceptions of dependence across the areas shown.

Traditional

Intermediate assessments between secular and religious respondents.

Religious

The lowest assessments; the domestic politics index is negative.

Some agreement between secular Israelis and those with varying degrees of religiosity — traditional and Haredi — on the dependence or independence of different aspects of Israeli life is found only in domestic politics.

This is the only area that Israelis tend to regard as relatively independent of the United States, as indicated by dependency indices close to zero or below zero.

In all other areas there is a general pattern: secular Israelis perceive greater dependence on the United States, traditional respondents somewhat less, and religious respondents report the lowest levels of dependence.

Differences between groups: the author’s index

Differences between groups: the author’s index
CategoryIndex, index pts
Economic stability51.2
National security54.9
International standing and influence45
Foreign policy37.6
Domestic politics34
International economic cooperation39.4

Domestic politics: Jewish and Arab respondents

The English research section reports differences between Jewish and Arab respondents primarily in domestic politics: Arab respondents more often view this area as dependent on the United States and less often as independent.

Domestic politics: Jewish and Arab respondents
ResponseJewish populationArab population
Very dependent13.923.6
Dependent to a significant extent32.132.9
Not very dependent36.528
Not dependent11.95.6
Don’t know5.69.9

Nearly 60% of respondents believe a victory for Republican candidate Donald Trump would be preferable for Israel, whereas the Democratic candidate Kamala Harris is preferred by only 15% of respondents.

Preference profiles differ by religiosity. Harris’s share should be compared across groups without mistaking that difference for a lead within each group.

  • secular Israelis are much more likely to express a preference for Democratic candidate Kamala Harris, whereas
  • religious Israelis favor Republican candidate Donald Trump.

Preference for Trump increases from secular to traditional and then to religious Israelis. Conversely, the share preferring Kamala Harris is highest among secular respondents, slightly lower among traditional respondents and lowest among religious respondents.

Which candidate is considered preferable for Israel

Secular · Donald Trump50.5%
Secular · Kamala Harris23.5%
Traditional · Donald Trump72.4%
Traditional · Kamala Harris9.1%
Religious · Donald Trump81.6%
Religious · Kamala Harris2.6%
Shares within each religiosity group. “No preference” and “don’t know” are omitted from the short chart but retained in the full table.

Which prospective U.S. president, in your opinion, would be preferable for Israel? (%)

Which candidate is considered preferable for Israel
ResponseSecularTraditionalReligiousTotal
Donald Trump50.572.481.657.6
Kamala Harris23.59.12.615.5
No preference7.98.45.911.9
Don’t know18.110.19.915
Total100100100100

How do you think the election of each of the following U.S. presidential candidates would affect resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict? (%)

Expectations of conflict resolution

Expected effect on resolving the conflict

Donald Trump +46.8 index pts
Kamala Harris -24.5 index pts
The author’s balance of positive and negative expectations, in index points. These are respondents’ 2024 expectations, not assessments of subsequent policy outcomes.
Original chart
Original figure for comparison
Original figure for comparisonView original ↗
Expected effect on resolving the conflict
CategoryVery positiveRather positiveRather negativeVery negativeDon’t knowIndex, index pts
Donald Trump33.830.3125.318.646.8
Kamala Harris7.318.627.722.723.7-24.5

As the charts show, in the context of resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict , traditional and religious respondents are considerably more likely to choose “positive” and “very positive” when assessing Trump’s role if he wins (approximately 44% in each of these groups choose “very positive”, compared with 26% of secular Israelis).

Secular Israelis, in contrast, more frequently choose “rather negative” (16.1 versus an average of 6% in the other groups) and “very negative” (6% versus 2–4%, respectively). Compared with traditional and religious respondents, secular respondents are more likely to expect a very or rather positive role for Kamala Harris in resolving the conflict if she is elected president.

How would the election of each of the following U.S. presidential candidates affect resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict? % / By religiosity

Donald Trump · Conflict resolution: all responses by group
ResponseSecularTraditionalReligious
Very positive26.343.444.7
Rather positive30.43633.6
Rather negative16.16.45.9
Very negative5.92.71.3
Don’t know21.411.414.5
Total100100100
Kamala Harris · Conflict resolution: all responses by group
ResponseSecularTraditionalReligious
Very positive7.94.42
Rather positive2314.18.6
Rather negative30.13125.7
Very negative15.62945.4
Don’t know23.521.518.4
Total100100100

Israelis generally associate the development of Israel’s relations with BRICS with a Donald Trump victory in the presidential election.

However, secular respondents are also more likely than traditional and religious respondents to expect Kamala Harris to have a positive effect on Israel’s relations with BRICS, and less likely to expect the same from Donald Trump.

How respondents compared candidates’ effects on BRICS

Positive effects

The original graph shows higher “very” and “rather positive” response shares for Trump.

Negative effects

“Rather” and “very negative” shares are higher for Harris.

Expected effects on relations with BRICS

Secular · Donald Trump +20.1 index pts
Secular · Kamala Harris +1.9 index pts
Traditional · Donald Trump +54.3 index pts
Traditional · Kamala Harris -24.2 index pts
Religious · Donald Trump +51.9 index pts
Religious · Kamala Harris -36.8 index pts
Author indices of expectations by religiosity, with positive and negative values sharing a zero axis.
Original chart
Original figure for comparison
Original figure for comparisonView original ↗

Asked which model of a postwar order each U.S. presidential candidate would prefer, respondents show an unusually strong consensus concerning Kamala Harris and her perceived preference for “two states for two peoples”: 59% of respondents selected this answer.

For comparison, among the other answers concerning both candidates, the largest figure is 25.7% for “don’t know” regarding Donald Trump’s position.

Respondents most often expect Donald Trump to favor “annexation of territories” (23.9%).

Expected models of a postwar order

None of these models · Donald Trump16.23%
None of these models · Kamala Harris4.6%
Annexation of territories · Donald Trump23.9%
Annexation of territories · Kamala Harris6.2%
One state for two peoples · Donald Trump14.3%
One state for two peoples · Kamala Harris7.6%
Two states for two peoples · Donald Trump19.8%
Two states for two peoples · Kamala Harris59%
Four options labelled in the source graph. These are respondents’ expectations of the candidates, not official platforms. “Don’t know” is absent from this figure; the percentages are not a complete distribution.
Expected models of a postwar order
CategoryDonald TrumpKamala Harris
None of these models16.234.6
Annexation of territories23.96.2
One state for two peoples14.37.6
Two states for two peoples19.859

In general, expectations regarding Kamala Harris’s preferred model of Israel’s postwar order are almost identical across groups defined by religiosity, unlike expectations concerning Donald Trump’s preferred model.

Two opposing trends are apparent here. . As religiosity decreases from religious to secular respondents, the share attributing to him a preference for “two states for two peoples” rises from 15.1% to 24%, while the share choosing “annexation of territories” falls from 27.6% to 19.6%.

Trump’s model: comparing the endpoint groups

Two states for two peoples · Religious15.1%
Two states for two peoples · Secular24%
Annexation of territories · Religious27.6%
Annexation of territories · Secular19.6%
Only four exact values given in the narrative: religious and secular respondents. Intermediate points and unlabelled Harris values have not been reconstructed.

Models and religiosity: what the source figure shows

Expectations of Trump

From secular to religious respondents, expectations of two states decline and expectations of annexation increase.

Expectations of Harris

The two-state line is above the other models in all three groups; exact points are unlabelled.

To the contents

Sources and data

Original publication English research section and additional tables Photograph: VynedJ · 2024-06-27 CC BY 4.0 · Adapted Original figure for comparison · RU · Interest in the election campaign Original figure for comparison · RU · Education Original figure for comparison · RU · Frequency of following elections, by religiosity Original figure for comparison · RU · Regular campaign followers, by preferred candidate Original figure for comparison · RU · Social activity Original figure for comparison · RU · Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States Original figure for comparison · RU · Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States Original figure for comparison · RU · How perceptions of dependence differ Original figure for comparison · RU · Which candidate is considered preferable for Israel Original figure for comparison · RU · Which candidate is considered preferable for Israel Original figure for comparison · RU · Expected effect on resolving the conflict Original figure for comparison · RU · Conflict resolution: all responses by group Original figure for comparison · RU · Conflict resolution: all responses by group Original figure for comparison · RU · Expected effects on relations with BRICS Original figure for comparison · RU · Expected effects on relations with BRICS Original figure for comparison · RU · Expected models of a postwar order Original figure for comparison · RU · Trump’s model: comparing the endpoint groups Original figure for comparison · EN · Interest in the election campaign Original figure for comparison · EN · Education Original figure for comparison · EN · Frequency of following elections, by religiosity Original figure for comparison · EN · Regular campaign followers, by preferred candidate Original figure for comparison · EN · Social activity Original figure for comparison · EN · Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States Original figure for comparison · EN · Areas respondents see as dependent on the United States Original figure for comparison · EN · How perceptions of dependence differ Original figure for comparison · EN · Differences between groups: the author’s index Original figure for comparison · EN · Domestic politics: Jewish and Arab respondents