{"id":8225,"date":"2025-09-18T22:28:52","date_gmt":"2025-09-18T19:28:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dor-moriah.org.il\/israeli-strike-on-qatar-coordinated-action\/"},"modified":"2025-10-10T22:49:55","modified_gmt":"2025-10-10T19:49:55","slug":"israeli-strike-on-qatar-coordinated-action","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dor-moriah.org.il\/en\/israeli-strike-on-qatar-coordinated-action\/","title":{"rendered":"Israel\u2019s Strike on Qatar: Coordinated Action Against the Muslim Brotherhood?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Background: Gulf Monarchies, Israel, and the Muslim Brotherhood<\/strong><\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) \u2013 a transnational Islamist movement \u2013 is viewed as a dire threat by many Middle Eastern regimes. Gulf monarchies such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt have outlawed the MB as a terrorist organization[1]<\/a>, fearing its revolutionary Islamist ideology. In contrast, Qatar (along with Turkey) has long been a patron of MB-affiliated groups. Qatar has \u201cbankrolled Islamist movements for decades, becoming political Islam\u2019s premier \u2018sponsor\u2019\u201d<\/strong>. Doha hosted influential Brotherhood ideologues like Yusuf al-Qaradawi for years, and its Al Jazeera network often amplified MB narratives. Crucially, Qatar also bankrolls Hamas in Gaza \u2013 originally the Brotherhood\u2019s Palestinian branch \u2013 by funding Gaza\u2019s civil services and salaries (with Israel\u2019s tacit approval). These Qatari funds \u201cpaid salaries and bought fuel in Gaza, reinforcing Hamas control\u201d<\/strong>. Both Qatar and Turkey regard Hamas as a legitimate \u201cresistance\u201d movement rather than a terrorist group, providing its leaders safe haven (in Doha and Istanbul, respectively)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This alignment of Qatar\/Turkey with the Brotherhood camp has brought them into conflict with the status quo bloc<\/strong> of the Middle East. In 2017, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt imposed a blockade on Qatar, explicitly demanding it stop supporting the Brotherhood and Hamas<\/strong>. As Saudi Arabia declared at the time, Qatar \u201cmust cease all support for the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas\u201d<\/em>. Though that Gulf rift was formally resolved in 2021, underlying tensions persist. Jordan (another monarchy) went so far as to ban the Brotherhood outright in 2025. In sum, there is a clear geopolitical fault line: a pro-Brotherhood axis (Qatar, Turkey, Islamist groups)<\/strong> versus an anti-Brotherhood coalition (most Gulf monarchies, Egypt, and increasingly Israel)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Israel\u2019s stance has evolved in tandem. Hamas\u2019s October 7, 2023 terror attack made plain that an MB-aligned threat<\/strong> endangers Israel\u2019s security. Since then, Israel\u2019s interests have largely aligned with those of the anti-Brotherhood Gulf states, even as it engages Qatar and Turkey diplomatically at times. The confrontation with Hamas has effectively linked Israel\u2019s fight against terrorism with the Gulf monarchies\u2019 fight against the Brotherhood\u2019s influence. It is against this backdrop that Israel\u2019s unprecedented strike on Qatari soil must be understood.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The September 2025 Israeli Strike in Doha<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

On September 9, 2025, Israel shattered diplomatic norms by launching a bold extraterritorial strike<\/strong> against Hamas leadership targets inside<\/em> Doha, Qatar[2]<\/a>. Multiple explosions rocked Doha\u2019s upscale Katara and Legtaifiya districts, hitting a guarded residential compound suspected of housing senior Hamas officials. According to Israeli statements, the IDF and Shin Bet carried out a \u201cprecise strike targeting the senior leadership\u201d<\/strong> of Hamas in Qatar \u2013 notably aiming for figures like Khalil al-Hayya and Zaher Jabarin, who were deeply involved in hostage ceasefire negotiations at the time. The message was unmistakable: The architects of the Oct. 7 massacre would \u201chave no sanctuary \u2013 no matter where they hide\u201d<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How the strike was executed<\/strong> also highlights possible regional coordination. As per reports, Israel deployed eight F-15 and four F-35 jets, which flew over the Red Sea and then fired ballistic missiles that arced through space over Saudi Arabia into Doha[3]<\/strong><\/a><\/strong>. This innovative trajectory allowed Israeli forces to hit the target without directly entering Qatari airspace until terminal phase, breaching Qatar\u2019s sophisticated air defenses with ease<\/strong>. The Wall Street Journal noted that Saudi airspace was overflown at high altitude \u2013 suggesting Riyadh\u2019s radars either were informed of the operation or chose not to intervene. Indeed, U.S. officials later indicated they had warned Qatar shortly before the strike, likely to prevent inadvertent conflict (given the large American Al-Udeid airbase in Qatar)[4]<\/a>. This implies that while the operation was kept covert, there was at least tacit coordination or deconfliction involving the U.S. (and by extension, possibly Saudi Arabia)<\/strong>. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized, however, that \u201cIsrael\u2019s decision to act\u2026 in Qatar was a wholly independent decision\u201d<\/strong>, taken by him and his security chiefs without American sign-off. Israel publicly assumed full responsibility<\/em> for the strike, underlining that it was an Israeli initiative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Casualties and impact:<\/strong> Hamas initially denied that its top leaders were killed, but acknowledged that five lower-ranking members died in Doha, along with some family members (including the son of Khalil al-Hayya). A Qatari security guard was also reportedly killed in the blast[5]<\/a>. The strike thus failed to eliminate the highest Hamas figures, but it achieved a different objective: delivering a strategic shock. \u201cYou can hide. You can run. But we\u2019ll get you,\u201d<\/strong> Netanyahu said, rejecting any notion that the raid had \u201cfailed\u201d. The operation conveyed that Israel will strike terrorists \u201cno matter where they may be,\u201d<\/em> denying them immunity or safe haven anywhere on the globe<\/strong>. This principle, Netanyahu noted, dates back to Golda Meir\u2019s pledge to hunt the perpetrators of Munich 1972 \u2013 a doctrine Israel continues to uphold[6]<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Flanked by U.S. Secretary of State (and former Senator) Marco Rubio days later, Netanyahu reiterated the raid\u2019s core message: if any country harbors terrorists, Israel reserves the right to act. He pointed out that after 9\/11, the U.S. was applauded for pursuing Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and even Pakistan; by the same token, \u201cstates do not have the right to shelter terrorists\u201d<\/em> with impunity. On the eve of the 9\/11 anniversary, he delivered a direct warning to Qatar and others: \u201cExpel them or bring them to justice. Otherwise, we will do it ourselves.\u201d<\/strong>.<\/strong> In Netanyahu\u2019s eyes, Doha had provided Hamas leaders with \u201cluxurious villas and a safe haven\u201d<\/em> \u2013 a situation Israel would no longer tolerate. The Sept 9 strike in Doha was thus a deliberate signal<\/strong> that even wealth and distance won\u2019t shield those deemed responsible for anti-Israeli terror.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regional and international reactions<\/strong> were swift and mixed. Qatar\u2019s government furiously condemned what it called a \u201ccowardly and treacherous\u201d<\/strong> attack, denouncing it as a flagrant violation of Qatar\u2019s sovereignty and international law. Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani labeled the strike \u201ccowardly and treacherous\u201d at an emergency summit, and Doha\u2019s foreign ministry lambasted Netanyahu\u2019s justification as \u201ca shameful attempt to justify a cowardly attack\u201d<\/em>. Qatar noted pointedly that Hamas officials had been present in Doha as part of mediating ceasefire efforts at Israel\u2019s and the US\u2019s request<\/em><\/strong> \u2013 implying Israel betrayed a mediation arrangement. Within days Qatar convened an extraordinary summit of Arab and Islamic states on September 15, 2025, to rally opposition to Israel\u2019s strike[7]<\/a>. Publicly, a united front of Muslim-majority countries \u2013 including Qatar\u2019s rivals \u2013 condemned Israel\u2019s action<\/strong>. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, Turkey, and others all issued statements criticizing the attack on Qatari soil. Even countries that normally align quietly with Israel found they had to \u201curge a review of ties\u201d<\/em> or at least voice outrage at the precedent of bombing an Arab capital. The Doha summit produced strong rhetoric (and talk of activating joint defense mechanisms) but stopped short of any concrete collective retaliation. In effect, the Arab states vented anger yet carefully avoided escalation<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Western reactions were cautious. The United States \u2013 which counts both Israel and Qatar as strategic partners \u2013 walked a diplomatic tightrope. Washington did not endorse the strike, worrying it could destabilize a key Gulf ally. Former U.S. President Donald Trump (back in office by 2025) remarked that Israel had to \u201cdo something\u201d about Hamas but \u201cmust be very, very careful\u201d<\/strong> with Qatar, pointedly calling Doha \u201ca great ally to the United States.\u201d<\/em> The U.S. focus, as Secretary Rubio stated, was on the future \u2013 ensuring Qatar could still help secure a Gaza ceasefire and hostage releases despite the incident. Notably, U.S. officials reportedly provided Qatar with a heads-up before the strike, underscoring the delicacy of hitting a country hosting American forces. In the end, no Western power openly cheered Israel\u2019s move<\/strong>, but there was also an undercurrent of understanding in some quarters (framed in the context of 9\/11 analogies). Meanwhile, Israel insisted it would not hesitate to repeat such operations. When asked if Israel would refrain from further strikes on Hamas operatives in foreign countries, Netanyahu was unequivocal: \u201cThe principle that terrorists should not have immunity wherever they are\u2026 hasn\u2019t changed.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Possible Coordination with Gulf Monarchies<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Despite their official condemnations, there are strong indications that certain Gulf monarchies quietly approved \u2013 or at least acquiesced to \u2013 Israel\u2019s strike on Qatar\u2019s Hamas haven<\/strong>. The very logistics of the attack imply tacit cooperation. Firing ballistic missiles into Doha required overflying or skirting the airspace of Saudi Arabia and possibly other Gulf neighbors. It appears Saudi air defenses stood down; there were no reports of interception attempts as the missiles traversed Saudi skies. Given Riyadh\u2019s formidable radar coverage and U.S-supplied Patriot batteries, this suggests prior coordination or notification. It is plausible that Saudi Arabia (and perhaps Bahrain or the UAE) were silently informed via U.S. channels and chose not to object. This de facto<\/em> green light aligns with the Gulf monarchies\u2019 strategic interest in clipping the wings of Qatar\u2019s Islamist clientele. For Saudi and Emirati leaders, who view the Muslim Brotherhood as a mortal enemy, an Israeli hit on Hamas\u2019s Qatar-based leadership may have been privately welcomed<\/strong> \u2013 even if protocol demanded an official protest. Indeed, since 2011 these regimes have relentlessly targeted MB networks; Israel\u2019s actions against Hamas fit their agenda of eroding Brotherhood influence in the region[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Earlier instances of Israeli-Gulf behind-the-scenes alignment lend credence to coordination. During Israel\u2019s 2024 operations against Hamas figures abroad (e.g. a January 2024 drone strike killing Hamas commander Saleh al-Arouri in Lebanon, and a reported strike on Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran months later), Gulf intelligence services and Israel likely shared information on common threats. The Abraham Accords of 2020 had already formalized security cooperation between Israel and the UAE\/Bahrain, and more quietly with Saudi Arabia. By 2025, Israel and the Gulf monarchies shared intelligence on Iran and extremist groups to an unprecedented degree<\/strong>, recognizing common foes in Hamas, Hezbollah, and their state backers. It stands to reason that this counter-Muslim Brotherhood<\/strong> cooperation also extended to Hamas. For example, when Saudi Arabia normalized relations with Hamas\u2019s foe, the Palestinian Authority, it simultaneously kept Hamas at arm\u2019s length \u2013 a stance in line with Israel\u2019s. Thus, when Israel struck Hamas in Doha, Gulf leaders were likely of two minds: publicly outraged at the violation of an Arab state\u2019s sovereignty, but privately relieved that Qatar\u2019s freelancing was punished. As one regional analyst observed, \u201ceveryone [Arab leaders] agreed that Israel was wrong to bomb Doha\u2026 yet there was palpable schadenfreude beneath the surface in some Gulf capitals\u201d[9]<\/strong><\/a><\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are hints that Riyadh and Abu Dhabi saw Israel\u2019s move as a cautionary tale for Qatar<\/strong>. Soon after the incident, Saudi Arabia accelerated calls for a U.S.-backed Gulf security pact[10]<\/a> \u2013 partly to constrain unpredictable actions (whether by Iran or even Israel), but also to ensure any future strikes on Gulf soil occur only in a coordinated framework. Notably, no Gulf state took concrete punitive steps against Israel beyond rhetoric. There were no breaks in diplomatic ties or cancellation of covert security contacts. This restraint suggests the Gulf monarchies did not truly wish to rupture relations with Israel over Hamas<\/strong>. They continue to view Iran and its proxies (as well as political Islamists) as bigger threats than Israel. In fact, behind closed doors, officials from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt have long pressured Qatar to expel Hamas leaders. The Israeli strike achieved through force what Qatar\u2019s neighbors had failed to accomplish through diplomacy \u2013 underscoring a convergence of Israeli-Gulf interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In summary, while open coordination is not acknowledged, Israel\u2019s Doha operation can be seen as de facto aligned with the Gulf monarchies\u2019 campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood network<\/strong>. It sent a message that even Qatar\u2019s wealth and U.S. ties cannot completely shield Hamas. The episode likely intensified quiet intelligence sharing and understanding between Israel and Gulf security services. As a Western diplomat noted off-record, the strike \u201cpublicly embarrassed Arab leaders, but privately, many of those same leaders were nodding in agreement with Israel\u2019s resolve.\u201d<\/em> The fault line between pro- and anti-Brotherhood states<\/strong> became sharper, possibly heralding deeper (if secret) coordination between Israel and the Sunni monarchies determined to check Islamist movements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Qatar\u2019s Influence in the U.S. and the \u201cQatargate\u201d Scandals<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

One complicating factor in any concerted action against Qatar is its substantial influence in Western corridors of power \u2013 especially in Washington, D.C. Qatar has strategically leveraged its vast wealth and energy resources to build goodwill and influence in the United States. It hosts the U.S.\u2019s largest Middle East airbase (Al-Udeid), making itself a linchpin of American military operations \u2013 a status that often earns Doha political latitude. Successive U.S. administrations have walked a fine line, valuing Qatar\u2019s contributions (e.g. mediating hostage deals, providing LNG gas, and basing rights) even as they quietly acknowledge Qatar\u2019s ties to groups like Hamas. This influence was on display post-strike: Washington urged caution precisely because \u201cQatar has been a great ally to the United States\u201d<\/strong>, reflecting Doha\u2019s successful positioning as an indispensable partner.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond strategic assets, Qatar wields soft power and lobbying clout in the West<\/strong>. It spends generously on think tanks, universities, media, and lobbyists to shape narratives. For instance, Qatar donated hundreds of millions to prestigious U.S. think tanks (earning a controversial sway at institutions like the Brookings Institution), and has hired former high-ranking officials to advocate on its behalf. A notable case was retired U.S. General John Allen, president of Brookings, who was investigated by the FBI for allegedly lobbying for Qatar during the 2017 Gulf crisis \u2013 allegedly advising Doha on influencing U.S. policy in exchange for benefits[11]<\/a>. (Although the DOJ probe was eventually closed, the scandal underscored Qatar\u2019s behind-the-scenes influence operations.) Qatar\u2019s state-funded media, Al Jazeera, also targets Western audiences (through AJ English and AJ+), building public sympathy for Doha\u2019s viewpoints. These efforts translate into real political influence: during the 2017 Saudi-UAE blockade of Qatar, Qatar\u2019s multi-million-dollar lobbying campaign in Washington helped temper the U.S. response and fend off isolation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Europe, Qatar\u2019s influence-buying burst into a major scandal known as \u201cQatargate.\u201d<\/strong> In late 2022, Belgian and EU authorities uncovered a corruption scheme in which Qatari (and Moroccan) interests allegedly paid bribes to European Parliament members to sway decisions in Doha\u2019s favor[12]<\/a>. Bags of cash were reportedly found with MEPs in a case that shocked Brussels. This exposed how far Qatar was willing to go to project \u201csoft power\u201d \u2013 in this case, outright corruption \u2013 to burnish its image or defend its policies in the West. The revelation of Qatargate in Europe embarrassed Qatar globally and strained its relations with EU states. Gulf monarchies likely took vindication<\/strong> from this, as they had long accused Qatar of underhanded tactics. It also gave Israel and the anti-Brotherhood camp ammunition to argue that Qatar\u2019s agenda is nefarious and destabilizing beyond the Middle East.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of particular note is U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, whose financial ties to Qatar raise potential conflicts of interest.<\/strong> In August 2023, Qatar Investment Authority, the country’s sovereign wealth fund, purchased Witkoff’s Park Lane Hotel in Manhattan for $623 million, providing substantial financial relief from a troubled real estate transaction[13]<\/a>. Witkoff was the focus of Qatar’s extensive lobbying efforts during Trump’s first term, meeting with Qatari officials to discuss “business opportunities” according to foreign lobbying disclosures. Following his appointment as envoy, Witkoff has repeatedly characterized Qatar as “enormously helpful” in ceasefire negotiations and disputed characterizations of Qatar as aligned with Iran, despite reported Qatari financial support for Hamas[14]<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These positions have prompted prominent Republicans, including major GOP fundraiser Eric Levine, to call for his dismissal, stating that his “performance is disqualifying because it demonstrates his utter incompetence”[15]<\/a>. Hudson Institute analyst Michael Pregent has argued that Qatar effectively “purchased” Witkoff, who now advances Doha’s interests at the expense of American priorities[16]<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Remarkably, in 2025 Israel faced its own \u201cQatargate\u201d<\/strong> \u2013 a scandal uncannily similar in allegation (though different in nature) to the European one. Israeli media revealed that two of Netanyahu\u2019s close associates \u2013 communications advisor Yonatan Urich and media consultant Eli Feldstein \u2013 were under investigation for allegedly accepting payments from Qatar to promote Doha\u2019s interests within Israel<\/strong>. The Shin Bet and police probe, which Netanyahu decried as a \u201cwitch hunt,\u201d found evidence that these aides took money (funneled via a U.S. lobbyist for Qatar) to push pro-Qatar messaging during the Gaza hostage negotiations in late 2023. Prosecutors allege the pair \u201cworked to transfer messages to journalists\u201d<\/em> in Israel that portrayed Qatar sympathetically and minimized Egypt\u2019s role<\/em><\/strong> as a mediator. In other words, Qatar may have effectively paid Israeli insiders to influence Israeli media coverage<\/strong>, ensuring Doha was credited as a benevolent mediator while sidelining rival mediators like Egypt. The suspects were arrested and face charges including bribery, money laundering, and breach of trust. It was further reported that one of them had been receiving a salary via an American lobbying firm registered under FARA for Qatar. This affair was swiftly dubbed \u201cQatargate\u201d by the Israeli press.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The significance of Israel\u2019s Qatargate<\/strong> is profound. It suggests that even as Israel and the Gulf states were aligning against Hamas and the Brotherhood, Qatar had managed to penetrate the Israeli establishment\u2019s information sphere<\/em>. As one analyst noted, the scandal \u201cties all bad things relating to Netanyahu together in one package\u201d<\/em> \u2013 linking his government to the policy of accommodating Hamas. It highlighted that Netanyahu\u2019s administration had, for years, allowed Qatar to deliver suitcases of cash into Gaza<\/strong> (since 2018) as a means of quieting Hamas. Many now believe those Qatari cash infusions \u201cstrengthened Hamas\u201d<\/strong> and indirectly enabled the deadly Oct 7, 2023 attack. In hindsight, critics accuse Netanyahu of \u201cappeasing Hamas\u201d via Qatar. The scandal angered not only the Israeli public but also Israel\u2019s partners. Egypt<\/strong>, for one, was reportedly infuriated \u2013 as Cairo has consistently opposed Qatar\u2019s role with Hamas. A former AP Middle East bureau chief warned that \u201crisking [Israel\u2019s] relationship [with Egypt] to curry favour with Qatar would be astonishingly short-sighted\u201d<\/em>, noting that President Sisi of Egypt is a \u201cmajor enemy of the Muslim Brotherhood network\u2026 which Qatar has backed.\u201d<\/em> This underscores how Qatar\u2019s meddling can undermine Israel\u2019s relations with its natural allies against Islamism<\/strong>, like Egypt and the UAE.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Gulf monarchies, the Israeli Qatargate likely reinforced their distrust of Doha. It proved that Qatar was willing to undermine both Israeli and Arab interests through influence peddling<\/strong>, all to boost its own standing. Gulf leaders, especially in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, who had been skeptical of Netanyahu\u2019s dual-track approach (courting them while also dealing with Qatar), saw their suspicions confirmed. In their eyes, Qatar\u2019s attempts to \u201cbuy\u201d influence in Israel<\/strong> were akin to its bribery in Europe \u2013 a malicious strategy to protect Hamas and MB interests at others\u2019 expense. This could have introduced some strain between Israel and the Gulf: for example, the UAE and Bahrain, which normalized ties with Israel in 2020, might have been unsettled to learn that Israel was simultaneously cutting side deals with Qatar to funnel money to Hamas. However, once the scandal came to light and Israel pivoted to a harder line (culminating in the strike on Doha), those Gulf states likely felt more assured that Israel was firmly on their side against the Brotherhood axis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indeed, Israel\u2019s bold action against Hamas in Qatar in September 2025 can be seen as effectively closing ranks with the Gulf monarchies\u2019 stance<\/strong>. It sent a public message that Israel would no longer indulge Qatar\u2019s double game. The prior quid pro quo<\/em> \u2013 where Israel tolerated Qatari cash to Gaza for short-term calm \u2013 was over. In its place, Israel embraced a doctrine much closer to that of the anti-MB Gulf states: zero tolerance for states harboring or financing Islamist militants. The coordinated diplomatic pressure<\/strong> after the strike (the Doha summit, etc.) may have publicly pit Israel against all Arab states including the Gulf, but behind closed doors Israel likely communicated to Riyadh and Abu Dhabi that the operation was aimed at Hamas, not at weakening Gulf security. Given their loathing for the Brotherhood, Saudi and UAE leaders could interpret Israel\u2019s move as belatedly aligning with their long-held view that Qatar\u2019s patronage of Islamist radicals must be confronted<\/strong>, not condoned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Israel\u2019s strike on Doha marked an unprecedented escalation \u2013 the first known direct attack by Israel on a Gulf state\u2019s soil<\/strong> \u2013 and it underscored the shifting alliances in the Middle East. Publicly, it drew sharp condemnation and raised fears of a \u201cnew and perilous chapter\u201d in the conflict[17]<\/a>. Yet, in strategic terms, the operation highlighted a growing, if quiet, convergence of interests between Israel and the Gulf monarchies against the Muslim Brotherhood and its state sponsors. For years, Qatar (with Turkey) championed Islamist movements, while Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Israel found themselves on the same side of a regional cold war, opposing those movements[18]<\/a>. The Doha strike of 2025<\/strong> can be seen as a culmination of that trend \u2013 a coordinated (if unofficial) action sending a dual message. To Hamas and the Brotherhood: no refuge is truly safe<\/em>. And to Qatar: its maverick support of Islamist causes now carries tangible risks, even at home.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, this event also illuminates the constraints of such coordination. Qatar\u2019s deep ties with Washington and importance to Western interests mean that Israel and the Gulf cannot simply isolate Doha without cost. U.S. caution \u2013 rooted in Qatar\u2019s influence in Washington and its role as a \u201cgreat ally\u201d \u2013 serves as a reminder that Doha has powerful protectors<\/strong>. The \u201cQatargate\u201d<\/strong> episodes in both Europe and Israel further reveal that Qatar\u2019s influence-peddling can sow discord among those who oppose the Brotherhood. In Israel\u2019s case, it nearly compromised the trust with Egypt and others[19]<\/a>; in Europe\u2019s case, it tarnished policymaking processes. Moving forward, Israel and its Gulf partners will need to navigate these complexities. They share a determination to check the Muslim Brotherhood\u2019s reach \u2013 from Gaza to Doha to Ankara \u2013 but must do so without fracturing the necessary international consensus or provoking open conflict with Qatar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From an analytical standpoint, the Israeli strike on Qatar\u2019s soil may be viewed as a watershed<\/strong>. It demonstrated unprecedented Israeli-Gulf tacit cooperation<\/strong> against a common adversary, even as official relations remained outwardly cool. It also possibly strengthened the resolve of Gulf monarchies to press the U.S. for firmer security guarantees (to manage both Iranian threats and unpredictable fallout from actions like Israel\u2019s)[20]<\/a>. For Qatar, the episode was a sobering signal that its neighbors\u2019 patience has limits \u2013 even the absence of formal war did not prevent a strike in its capital. Qatar\u2019s influence in the U.S. and Europe might shield it diplomatically, but Israel showed that on the operational level, it is willing to act unilaterally when it perceives an existential threat.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In conclusion, the Israel-Qatar strike saga<\/strong> underscores a larger geopolitical realignment: Israel and several Arab states inching toward a coalition against Islamist extremism (and by extension, against Iran and its allies), while Qatar and Turkey find themselves more isolated in their support of the Brotherhood\u2019s network. It\u2019s a delicate balance \u2013 one where today\u2019s covert partners could be tomorrow\u2019s open allies or adversaries, depending on how the conflict with Hamas and the MB evolves. What is clear is that the influence of Qatar in Western halls of power<\/strong> and the Brotherhood\u2019s deep roots across the region will continue to complicate this struggle. Nonetheless, the events of 2025 suggest that when it comes to confronting groups like Hamas, Israel and the Gulf monarchies are more aligned than ever before \u2013 even if that means striking in the heart of Doha<\/strong> to prove that \u201cterrorists have no safe haven\u201d<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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[1]<\/a> dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> foxnews.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> jns.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> i24news.tv<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> timesofisrael.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> jns.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> atlanticcouncil.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> economist.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> chathamhouse.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> responsiblestatecraft.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> abc.net.au<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> jewishinsider<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> jewishinsider<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> washingtonjewishweek<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> jns<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> <\/a>press.un.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[18]<\/a> <\/a>dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[19]<\/a> <\/a>abc.net.au<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[20]<\/a> <\/a>chathamhouse.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> foxnews.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> jns.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> i24news.tv<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> timesofisrael.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> jns.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> atlanticcouncil.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> economist.com<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a>  chathamhouse.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> responsiblestatecraft.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> abc.net.au<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> <\/a>jewishinsider<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> <\/a>jewishinsider<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> <\/a>washingtonjewishweek<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> <\/a>jns<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a>  press.un.org<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[18]<\/a> dor-moriah.org.il<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[19]<\/a> abc.net.au<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[20]<\/a> chathamhouse.org<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Background: Gulf Monarchies, Israel, and the Muslim Brotherhood The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) \u2013 a transnational Islamist movement \u2013 is viewed as a dire threat by many Middle Eastern regimes. Gulf monarchies such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt have outlawed the MB as a terrorist organization[1], fearing its revolutionary Islamist ideology. In contrast, Qatar (along with Turkey) has long been a patron of MB-affiliated groups. Qatar has \u201cbankrolled Islamist movements for decades, becoming political Islam\u2019s premier \u2018sponsor\u2019\u201d. Doha hosted influential Brotherhood ideologues like Yusuf al-Qaradawi for years, and its Al Jazeera network often amplified MB narratives. Crucially, Qatar also… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8222,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,37],"tags":[107,108,226,210],"class_list":["post-8225","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-activity","category-articles-en","tag-israel","tag-middle-east","tag--en"],"yoast_head":"\nIsrael\u2019s Strike on Qatar: Coordinated Action Against the Muslim Brotherhood? - Dor-Moriah<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Israel\u2019s Strike on Qatar: Coordinated Action Against the Muslim Brotherhood? 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